Biak
Verbs table
gloss | layer | stem phonology | 1 sg | 2 sg | 3 sg | 1ex du | 1inc du | 2 du | 3 du | 3 pc | 1exc pl | 1inc pl | 2 pl | 3 pl an | 3 pl inan |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
die | lexeme | C-initial | yamar | wamar | imar | numar | kumar | mumar | sumar | skomar | nkomar | komar | mkomar | sisrow | nasrow |
die | prefix | C-initial | ya | wa | i | nu | ku | mu | su | sko | nko | ko | mko | simar | namar |
meet | lexeme | CC-initial | yasrow | wasrow | isrow | nusrow | kusrow | musrow | susrow | skosrow | nkosrow | kosrow | mkosrow | sso | nso |
meet | prefix | CC-initial | ya | wa | i | nu | ku | mu | su | sko | nko | ko | mko | smám | nmám |
see | lexeme | C-initial (labial, ¬v) | yamám | mám | myám | numám | kumám | mumám | sumám | skomám | nkomám | komám | mkomám | svov | nbov |
see | prefix | C-initial (labial, ¬v) | ya | zero | <y> | nu | ku | mu | su | sko | nko | ko | mko | sárok | nárok |
sell | lexeme | C-initial (labial, v) | yavov | bov | vyov | nuvov | kuvov | muvov | suvov | skovov | nkovov | kovov | mkovov | si | na |
sell | prefix | C-initial (labial, v) | ya | zero | <y> | nu | ku | mu | su | sko | nko | ko | mko | si | na |
straight | lexeme | V-initial | yárok | wárok | dárok | nuyárok | kuyárok | muyárok | suyárok | skárok | nkárok | károk | mkárok | s | n |
straight | prefix | V-initial | y | w | d | nuy | kuy | muy | suy | sk | nk | k | mk | s | n |
throw | lexeme | C-initial (¬labial) | yaso | swo | syo | nuso | kuso | muso | suso | skoso | nkoso | koso | mkoso | s | n |
throw | prefix | C-initial (¬labial) | ya | <w> | <y> | nu | ku | mu | su | sko | nko | ko | mko | s | n |
Biak notes
Verbs
(Information from Van den Heuvel 2006: 157-59)
- Mapping of stem types onto inflectional classes is phonologically conditioned for CC-initial stem (consonantal class) and V-initial stems (vocalic class); otherwise, lexically specified.
- Infixed markers <y> and <w>; <w> not found after labial Cs. Van den Heuvel attributes this to a phonological rule affecting initial Cs, but this is the only phenomenon that evinces the effect of said rule. In addition, labial C + w sequences can occur where they result from omission of an initial vowel, e.g. #iC~labial~w → #C~labial~w.
- In 2sg, where we would expect #v<w>, we get #b.
- In 3pl inan, n+v n-b-; this is also said to be a phonological rule, but note that elsewhere it's optional, whereas here it's obligatory.
- With monosyllabic v-initial stems, the prefixes which are underlyingly Co- induce lengthening of the stem vowel, and in intonational phrase final position they get a final -e (Van den Heuvel 2006: 159).
elsewhere | ip final | |
1sg | yan | yan |
2sg | wan | wan |
3sg | dan | dan |
1du | nuyan | nuyan |
1incl du | kuyan | kuyan |
2du | muyan | muyan |
3du | suyan | suyan |
3pc | skán | 'skáne |
1pl | nkán | 'nkáne |
1incl pl | kán | 'káne |
2pl | mkán | 'mkáne |
3pl an | san | san |
3pl inan | nan | nan |
References
Van den Heuvel, Wilco. 2006. Biak: Description of an Austronesian language of Papua. PhD thesis, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam.