Chontal
Verbs table
| gloss | layer | rec ind 1sg | rec ind 2sg | rec ind 3sg | rec ind 1pl | rec ind 2pl | rec ind 3pl | prs ind 1sg | prs ind 2sg | prs ind 3sg | prs ind 1pl | prs ind 2pl | prs ind 3pl |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| bathe | lexeme | neboba | meboba | eboba | laboba | ulaboba | eboba | gabo | dabo | debo | laboyi | dolaboyi | deboyi |
| bathe | prefix | n | m | zero | la | ula | zero | ga | da | d | la | dola | d |
| bathe | stem-initial vowel | e | e | e | zero | zero | e | zero | zero | e | zero | zero | e |
| bathe | suffix | ba | ba | ba | ba | ba | ba | zero | zero | zero | yi | yi | yi |
| press | lexeme | nunanc’iʔba | munanc’iʔba | unanc’iʔba | lunanc’iʔba | ulunanc’iʔba | unanc’iʔba | gunanc’iʔ | donanc’iʔ | dunanc’iʔ | lunanc’iʔyi | dolunanc’iʔyi | dunanc’iʔyi |
| press | prefix | n | m | zero | l | ul | zero | g | do | d | l | dol | d |
| press | stem-initial vowel | u | u | u | u | u | u | u | zero | u | u | zero | u |
| press | suffix | ba | ba | ba | ba | ba | ba | zero | zero | zero | yi | yi | yi |
| run | lexeme | ninuba | minuba | inuba | linulba | olinulba | inulba | ginu | daynu | dinu | linulyi | dulinulyi | dinulyi |
| run | prefix | n | m | zero | l | ol | zero | g | da | d | l | dul | d |
| run | stem-initial vowel | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i |
| run | suffix | ba | ba | ba | ba | ba | ba | zero | zero | zero | yi | yi | yi |
| say | lexeme | aygwaba | ogwaba | igwaba | ałgwaba | ołgwaba | ilgwaba | gagwa | dogwa | digwa | ałgwayi | dołgwayi | diłgwayi |
| say | prefix | ay | o | i | ał | oł | il | ga | do | di | ał | doł | dił |
| say | stem-initial vowel | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero |
| say | suffix | ba | ba | ba | ba | ba | ba | zero | zero | zero | yi | yi | yi |
Chontal notes
Nouns
- Data on noun number morphology is taken from Turner (1966). He describes a very large number of different number marking operations, but does not provide an overarching analysis. Many of the different processes are phonlogically similar, and one suspects some larger generalizations may be possible. For the database we have made some cautious morphophonological generalizations, and eliminated what appear to be a few one-off irregularities.
- The overall picture is of two main devices for number marking:
affixation and stress alternations.
- Generally it is only the plural which bears an overt affix, either a suffix or an infix, or both. Infixes involve either /ł/ or /y/. The actual realization differs across the data, e.g. we find ł>, <oł> and <oło>. It is not clear whether these represent different affixes or are phonologically predictable. In as much as there are not many examples we have conflated them.
- Plural affixes appear to cause deletion of /ʔ/, both word-finally (aléwaʔ ~ aléwa-ł 'gourd bowl', or bánaʔ ~ baná-y 'river') and medially (fíʔno ~ fi<ł>no 'old woman'). This appears also to occur with the addition of vocalic suffixes, as in oʔf'áneʔ ~ oʔf'ané 'ear of corn', which would analyze as oʔf'áneʔ + -e, in as much as (i) stress advancement is characteristic of suffixation (see below), and (ii) while the addition of plural -e to a V-final stem usually leads to -Vye, there are no examples where V=/e/, suggesting that contraction may have occurred.
- Suffixes appear to be associated with an advancement of stress towards the end of the word, while words with no plural suffix undergo stress retraction. Words with plural infixes display both patterns. In all these cases the presence or absence of a stress alternation is not automatic, and appears to be lexically determined (though there may be phonological conditions that we did not observe).
Orthographic notes
- [ł] represents a voiceless lateral.
References
Richter, Gregory C. 1982. Highland Chontal Morphology: Some New Perspectives. International Journal of American Linguistics 48/4. 472-76.
Turner, Paul Raymond. 1966. Highland Chontal grammar. PhD thesis, University of Chicago.