Iha
Verbs transitive table
gloss | layer | 1 sg > 3 sg fut | 1 sg > 3 pl fut | 1 sg > 3 sg prs | 1 sg > 3 pl prs | 1 sg > 3 sg t_pst | 1 sg > 3 pl t_pst | 1 sg > 3 sg y_pst | 1 sg > 3 pl y_pst | 1 sg > 3 sg rem_pst | 1 sg > 3 pl rem_pst |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
bite | lexeme | wrignen | wrigten | wrigmbon | wrigmbon | ||||||
bite | suffix 1 | ny | te | ny | te | ny | te | zero | zero | zero | zero |
bite | suffix 2 | anggen | anggen | wen | wen | en | en | mbon | mbon | nonggon | nonggon |
hear | lexeme | kmonanggen | kmonanggen | kmonen | kmonen | kmonen | kmonen | kmonmbon | kmonmbon | kmonnonggon | kmonnonggon |
hear | suffix 1 | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero |
hear | suffix 2 | anggen | anggen | wen | wen | en | en | mbon | mbon | nonggon | nonggon |
hit | lexeme | qpagtanggen | qpagtanggen | qpagtewen | qpagtewen | qpagten | qpagten | qpagmbon | qpagmbon | qpagnonggon | qpagnonggon |
hit | suffix 1 | te | te | te | te | te | te | zero | zero | zero | zero |
hit | suffix 2 | anggen | anggen | wen | wen | en | en | mbon | mbon | nonggon | nonggon |
split wood | lexeme | qpryéhnyanggen | qpryéhnyanggen | qpryéhnewen | qpryéhnewen | qpryéhnen | qpryéhnen | qpryéhmbon | qpryéhmbon | qpryéhnonggon | qpryéhnonggon |
split wood | suffix 1 | ny | ny | ny | ny | ny | ny | zero | zero | zero | zero |
split wood | suffix 2 | anggen | anggen | wen | wen | en | en | mbon | mbon | nonggon | nonggon |
throw | lexeme | ||||||||||
throw | suffix 1 | ny | zero | ny | zero | ny | zero | zero | zero | zero | zero |
throw | suffix 2 | anggen | anggen | wen | wen | en | en | mbon | mbon | nonggon | nonggon |
Iha notes
- Verbs inflect for person-number of both agent/subject and patient/object. As this is quite regular it not represented in the database entry, which instead focuses on inflection class.
- The suffixes whose allomorphy defines the inflection classes are represented underlyingly by Donohue as -ny and -te, subject to some morphophonological adjustments. They are lacking in some tenses. It appears to have been conditioned, at least diachronically, by the phonology of the following tense marker (initial nasal consonant?); note that in some dialects they are still present -- compare purú-mbon 'I flew yesterday', nórowg-mbon 'I swam yesterday' with Southeastern Iha purú-ny-ombon, nórowg-t-ombon (Donohue forthcoming, fn 12).
- The inflection classes are found with both transitive and intransitive verbs. However, the inflection class alternation which is sensitive to the number of the patient/object (in 'bite' and 'throw') is found only with transitives. The pattern found with 'bite' is common, that with 'throw' is rare.
References
Dononhue, Mark. Forthcoming. Verbal inflection in Iha: a multiplicity of alignments. In Matthew Baerman(ed.) The Oxford Handbook of Inflection. Oxford: OUP.